By BILL ONASCH
Unions have seldom had much of
a presence at Republican conventions but until the recent past they were
welcome and highly visible at the conclaves of their Democrat “friends.” They
didn’t come empty handed either; union-hosted “hospitality” events on the
convention fringes were often only marginally less lavish than those of their
corporate “partners.”
But this is not your father’s
Democratic gathering. Team Obama not only passed up the invitation for the
president to address the recent NAACP convention—America’s oldest and biggest
civil rights group. They also keep union friends at arm’s length. The vice
president, who knows his place in Constitutional shadows, is assigned to
glad-hand and commiserate once feted union and civil rights officials.
The Obama DNC even seemed to
go out of their way this time to not just ignore their loyal labor helpers but
to insult them. They picked a convention city in a right-to-work bastion of
union avoidance and busting. The local boosters brag that the very convention
center they will gather in was one hundred percent built—and is staffed—with
non-union labor.
Union officials are fit to be
tied—which, of course, they are. So they are going to spend most of what they
would have dropped at the Democrat shindig in the City of Brotherly Love
instead.
Referring to the Philadelphia
rally in an e-mail, AFL-CIO President Richard Trumka told those of us paying
dues to the House of Labor, “Our goal is to refocus the national discussion on
the imbalance in our country’s national priorities. ... It’s not about party,
it’s not about politics. It’s about people.” They plan to reaffirm a lofty but
empty Second Bill of Rights—proposed by FDR in 1944. Whether Lunch Box Joe
Biden will attend remains to be seen.
“Imbalance” seems a rather
delicate euphemism for the class war being waged by bosses, bankers, and
politicians against American workers. Discussion of this war that could lead to
action to defend ourselves is certainly appropriate and long overdue. A real
Bill of Rights for the working-class majority is a fine idea as well. But these
goals clearly require attention to politics—and the party we don’t yet have.
Trumka didn’t like the AP
story’s imagery but he is happy someone takes seriously his oft-repeated claims
that occasional tantrums signify labor’s political independence. The overall
record of their actions shows otherwise. While Trumka sometimes issues largely
ignored press releases critical of administration policies, the Federation’s
agitational campaigns are designed to supplement the message de jour of Obama’s
re-election campaign strategists.
Take, for example, their
current approach to massive, long-term unemployment—the Bring the Jobs Home
campaign. More sentiment than substance, this meshes with Team Obama’s current
relentless attack on what they see as Romney’s main vulnerability—vulture
capital tactics of off-shoring and out-sourcing. The White House can also claim
some success as companies such as GE and the Big Three automakers restore some
previously off-shored jobs to this country—now that wages and benefits have
been slashed by as much as 50 percent on Obama’s watch.
Of course, we should expose
Romney as the job-killer that he is. But little is said about the devastating
and ongoing job cuts being carried out by Democratic “friends” in the public
sector—above all, the destruction of the U.S. Postal Service as we know it.
There’s hardly a peep even from the teacher unions about the privatization of
education being championed by Obama. And they make little fuss about the White
House promotion of globalization—such as the recent trade deal with Colombia
and crucial support of new sweatshops in Haiti that will supply WalMart and
Gap.
But our illustrious leaders
don’t just talk it up for their Democrat pals—they put our money where their
mouth is. Newscorp’s Wall Street Journal last month released a far-ranging analysis of union
resources pumped in to election campaigns over the past few cycles. The
motivation for this Murdoch muckraking is to paint organized labor as just
another big money “interest group,” on the same footing as corporate PACs and
SuperPACs.
In fact, union spending
remains modest compared to billionaire bankrollers. But it’s not chopped liver
either. The unchallenged WSJ-reported statistics show unions spent $4.4 billion in various ways on
electoral politics from 2006-2010. They will undoubtedly spend more than ever
on their “friends” in this year’s contests—what Steelworkers president Leo
Gerard calls the most important election since FDR ran against Herbert Hoover.
If the labor movement invested
this money—and the disciplined army of volunteers at its disposal—in to
creating a party of labor’s own, it would be a whole new ball game. The
Democrats would be left lurking in the shadows. Our side would have an
effective political champion in the class war raging in America today.
If we do that, anything is
possible. As long as we fail to do that, nothing good is possible.
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