By ROBBIE MAHOOD
MONTREAL—As many as 80,000
protesters hit the streets of Montreal on July 22, proof that the mass struggle
over the Liberal government`s unilateral decision to raise university tuition
fees has far from dissipated. The central slogan this time was “Out with the
Neo-Liberal Parties,” reflecting the growing radicalization produced by the
struggle and the influence of the CLASSE (Coalition large de l’association pour
une solidarité syndical étudiante/ Broad Coalition of the Association for Union
Student Solidarity), the largest and most militant of the student unions
participating in the strike.
It is true that the numbers this
time were down compared to the mass demonstrations of March 22, April 22, and
May 22, each of which attracted 200,000 or more. But this is mid-summer during
the annual construction holiday, and many students have dispersed to their
homes outside of Montreal or are working.
The student strike has been
effectively suspended since June when the government cancelled the spring
academic session and brought in a special repressive law to limit
demonstrations, ban pickets, force professors to teach, and levy heavy fines
for defiant organizations and individuals. With this draconian legislation, the
government hopes to break the strike and cripple the student associations when
classes resume in August.
A major complication affecting
the mass movement is the provincial election that Liberal Prime Minister Jean Charest
set for Sept. 4. The Liberals hope to capitalize on a backlash against the
striking students. On the anti-government side, there is considerable pressure
to close ranks behind the Parti Quebecois (PQ) in order to oust the hated
Liberals. For its part, Quebec Solidaire (QS), the small left party (with one
seat in the National Assembly) that was forthright in its support for the
students’ strike, hopes to head off the logic of the strategic vote, since it
competes for the same working-class and popular electorate as the PQ.
For the most significant
opposition to this short-term electoralist perspective, we must turn to the
CLASSE. At its congress in Quebec City on July 14, the CLASSE issued a
manifesto entitled “Share Our Future” and adopted a strategy for the
anticipated election. In appealing for a “social strike,” the manifesto attacks
the “blind submission” to the market, and targets in particular the
neo-liberal “user-pay” principle that the government is trying to enforce not
only in the universities but across the range of publicly funded services. (For
an English translation of the manifestio, see
www.stopthehike.ca/2012/07/share-our-future-the-classe-manifesto/#more-1230.)
The CLASSE will retain its
independence from the political parties, but plans a parallel election campaign
across Quebec to share its societal project with the population. Direct
democracy, social justice, defense of the environment and gender equality will
be counterposed to the existing neo-liberal political and economic order and
the rule of the 1%. The CLASSE is currently committed to pursuing the strike
against higher tuition fees but will be holding urgent general assemblies of
its members to discuss this vital question in the context of Bill 78 and the
anticipated election campaign.
The militant stance of the
CLASSE clearly anticipates a long-term struggle without neglecting the
electoral arena. This is a positive aspect of its position even if there is
silence or vagueness on other strategic questions such as how to mobilize the
labour movement in the presence of a class-collaborationist labour leadership
or the centrality of the national question for an anti-capitalist perspective
in Quebec. The same shortcomings apply to a broad section of the Quebec left,
including Quebec Solidaire.
The situation coming into this
election is contradictory: On one hand, there is a social struggle of
unprecedented depth and militancy, even if so far it has been unable to break
the back of ruling-class intransigence. On the other, there is an opportunity
to toss out a hated government, which is making a bid for a third mandate in
order to continue its austerity drive.
Polls indicate a close race
between the Liberals and the Parti Quebecois, with the Coalition Avenir Quebec
(CAC) somewhat further back, perhaps resulting in a minority Liberal or PQ
government. This uncertain scenario reinforces the argument to consolidate the
anti-Liberal vote behind the PQ.
The argument for a tactical vote
for the Parti Quebecois must be rejected. This party differentiates itself from
the Liberals primarily on the national question, but in reality follows the
dictates of international capital and is incapable of leading a struggle for
national liberation. Its record in office is that of a co-implementer of neo-liberal
policies. The pressure for a “useful” PQ vote is analogous to arguments for
lesser-evil pro-Democratic Party politics in the U.S.
The Coalition Avenir Quebec
(CAC) represents a right-wing split from the PQ, favouring further retreat in
the struggle for national independence, union-bashing policies, and acting as
an incubator for all manner of reactionary pro-market schemes that would
accelerate the degradation of social life in Quebec.
Despite the weaknesses of its
programme and leadership, QS offers the only option in this election. Its
origins lie in a break with the neo-liberal consensus embracing the other
parties, and in practice it aligns itself with mass struggles. At the same
time, we favour continued mobilization in the streets in order to apply maximum
pressure during and after an election campaign.
Viewpoints in this
article are those of Socialist Action /Ligue pour l’Action Socialiste in the
Canadian state, and do not reflect those of Socialist Action newspaper.
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